Within seconds of directing my camera
at the bald granite Lenin head a suited man emerges. “No pictures allowed here.
Passport and registration please.” He shows his own identification, a hammer
and sickle emblazoned across the page next to his frowning portrait.
“Presidential Security,” he informs me, “you must delete these pictures.” We
would be ordered to stop photographing five more times in the next three days
This was
outside the presidential offices of the recently elected Yevgeny Shevchuk in
Tiraspol, Transnistria, an unrecognized breakaway Republic sandwiched between
Moldova and Ukraine. It has been called the most lawless place in Europe and is
rumored to be a thriving transit zone for arms and human trafficking.
Our local
guide, Andrey Smolenski laughed when he heard the story. “They still think that
anyone with a camera is a spy, a relic of Soviet times,” he says as he swings
his car onto the wide empty boulevard called ’25 Oktobrya, the date of the
Bolshevik revolution. “Still, the KGB is not as bad now thanks to our new
president.”
About
500,000 people live in this small sliver of land, which seceded from Moldova as
the Soviet Union was collapsing. Not much has changed here since then. The
Supreme Soviet still makes the laws, the flag bears a hammer-and-sickle and the
style of clothing is patently Soviet in its drabness. War memorials
commemorating the short conflict between Transnistria and Moldova occupy the
towns’ central squares, replete with statues and artwork in the style of
Socialist realism.
In the
past tourists were only allowed in for a few hours, and though the policy has
lightened in recent years, few stay here for more than a day. There are no
foreign embassies, except for those of two other unrecognized states, South
Ossetia and Abkhazia. “If you find yourself in trouble, you are alone,” was the
warning leaving Moldova.
Though
unrecognized, Transnistria is a de facto state, maintaining its own military,
police force, border control and postal service. It issues its own currency
though ATMs dispense only U.S. dollars and Russian rubles, which must then be
exchanged.
Our guide,
Smolenski, a 27 year old in an American sports jacket, meets us in front of a
WWII era tank for a tour of the city. He co-wrote a book about Transnistria and
works for the state-run radio station — but is now trying to set up a tour
agency for Western visitors. “I will give you an objective picture of my
country,” he says assuredly. The tour consists mostly of war memorials and
other sights dedicated to the heroism of the Transnistrian partisan forces in
the 1992 “war for independence.”
“I know
that you are not spies,” Smolenski says a bit later, “this is not needed
anymore since the new president took office in December, the situation
improved. Sometimes it seems here that you might be in North Korea, but it is
not.” He drives past a checkpoint with heavily armed Russian peacekeeping
soldiers. “Don’t take pictures,” he snaps, “if they see you, they will stop us
and we’ll have to have a serious talk with some serious guys.” When asked if
that meant the KGB, Smolenski nodded in the affirmative.
Smolenski
begins to tell the history of his country, a familiar story of frozen conflict
in the post-Soviet world. Under Stalin’s policy of Russification, waves of
Russian immigrants came pouring into the Moldovan Soviet Republic, particularly
into the heavily industrialized area of Transnistria. As the Soviet Union was
collapsing, nationalist parties gained power and Moldova declared independence.
Romanian was declared the only official language and there were calls from the
right wing fringe to expel all Slavic peoples from the country. A short
conflict ensued between Moldova and the majority Slavic Transnistria, which
ended in a stalemate after the Russian Army intervened on the breakaway
republic’s behalf. Russian troops remain in Transnistria to this day.
Most
Moldovans refer to the Russian troops as occupiers. “All propaganda,” says
Smolenski. “The Moldovan fascists tell these lies and America and the EU
believe them. There could have been genocide here if Russia had not stepped in.
But, the fact that we are unrecognized is proof that the Cold War is not yet
over. Without Russia’s support we would not survive.”
Although
Russia also does not officially recognize Transnistria, it provides the country
with tremendous financial support to the tune of $150 million a year, according
to Smolenski. Indeed, Russia’s presence is heavily felt in the country. At
every border crossing or strategic position there are Russian peacekeepers with
AK-47 assault rifles and heavily armored vehicles concealed beneath camouflage
netting. An enormous slogan reading “Russia brings peace and stability” was
painted across an overpass.
The Soviet
landscape has also remained intact. The country is remarkably clean and free of
graffiti and trash. The facades of all of the buildings on the main streets are
immaculate and propaganda posters hang from buildings proclaiming, “Tiraspol is
our favorite city!” Another banner bears the face of the new president with the
mantra “There Will Be Order” printed boldly down the side.
In the
classic Russian style of Potemkin villages and dummy missiles, much of this
order is illusion. Behind high walls and fences are piles of rotting trash. The
sides of the buildings not visible from the street are unpainted and crumbling.
Most of the young people expressed a strong desire to leave the country. When
asked about life in Transnistria one young man named Alexander said, “life is
very bad here.”
A bored
man working with his wife in a tailor shop gave the most enthusiastic
assessment: “It is possible to live here.”
Most
reminiscent of the communist era is the extreme boredom and conformity that
permeates the place. There are barely any cafes or clubs, nothing beautiful in
the city, no culture to speak of. Most of the young people were more anxious to
ask questions about Europe and America than to talk about their own country.
Ninteen year old Vilena — the name, a derivation of Vladimir Illich Lenin —
looks shyly at my American friend and asks “what is it like to live in
America?” She asks if there are really so many sheep in my native Netherlands.
As the
days pass and as more uniformed men appear demanding passports, a sense of
unease begins to fall over the trip. Andrei tells about an Austrian tourist he
had showed around a few months before. “He took a picture of a factory and was
arrested by the KGB, but because he spoke no Russian they called me. They
interrogated me for six hours, without coffee or anything,” he looks out the window
at some people waiting for a trolleybus and as if by reflex says, “but that was
under the previous president, now everything is better.”.
This article originally appeared in huffington post and was written by MILES ATKINSON & FLEUR DE
WEERD
This article originally appeared in
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